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THE 



BWSJEDA^T ©(gHJ©@E)< 



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PATRIOT'S HOPE, 



JBY JASON WHITMAN, 



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PORTLAND: 

H. COLESWORTHY, 



1839. 






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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 

1839, by s. h. colesworthy, in the Clerk's Office 

of the District Court of Maine. 



Press of S H. Colesworthy. 



LC Control Number 




tmp96 027665 



FRIENDS, TEACHERS AND PUPILS 



OF THE 



SUNDAY SCHOOLS 



PORTLAND, 

This Address, prepared originally at their request 
and delivered in their presence, but now enlarged 
and published,is respectfully dedicated; with a prayer 
for the wide diffusion and controlling power of the 
principles, which it inculcates, so far as they accord 
with truth — and are calculated to promote the best 
good of the community and the glory of God, 



ADDRESS. 



My Young Friends: 

As I was sitting in my study, 
asking myself what I should say to 
you, I thought that a conversation, 
something like the following, might 
have taken place in some family in 
our city. Benjamin, an intelligent 
boy of about twelve years of age, 
said to his father, as he returned from 
his Sunday school, 'father, the schol- 
ars of all the Sunday schools in this 
city, are to celebrate Independence, 
this fourth of July. The teachers 



and pupils of the different schools are 
to walk in procession, and to go to 
the meeting house, where an address 
is to be delivered to them, and where 
the children themselves are to sing, 
instead of the choir. 9 

'And how do you think you shall 
like that, my son?' said his father. 

Benjamin did not answer at first, 
but seemed to be thinking very care- 
fully about something. What he 
was thinking about no one could tell. 
Perhaps he was thinking that if he 
went with his class in the procession, 
and to the church, and there listened 
to an address it would interrupt his 
plans of play, and would be a dull 
way of spending the Fourth of July. 
Or perhaps he was thinking that he, 
a boy of twelve years old, was al- 



most too large to appear out, and 
walk in the procession, as a Sunday 
school scholar. But, in a few mo- 
ments, he looked up into his father's 
face, and said, 'father, why do the 
children of the Sabbath schools cele- 
brate the Fourth of July, in this way. 
It never has been done until within 
two or three years, and I cannot 
think why it is done now; for I do'nt 
see what Sunday schools have to do 
with Independence, or the Fourth of 

July.' 

'I will try, my son,' said his fath- 
er to explain to you. But I will first 
ask if you can tell me what is meant 
by Independence, and why the fourth 
of July is observed, in a way differ- 
ent from every other day in the year? 
Benjamin, who was fond of read- 






ing, and was careful to think over 
what he read after he closed the book, 
so as to remember it, was prepared 
to answer this question. He said, 
that many years ago, this whole coun- 
try, which is now called the United 
States of America, was under the 
government of the king of England, 
that the king did not treat the people 
well, that he wished to tax ihem and 
takeaway their money from them, 
without their consent. He said that 
the people of the colonies, as they 
were then called, sent petitions to 
the king, requesting him not to treat 
them unkindly; that the king would 
not listen to their petitions, but sent 
over armies to America, to compel 
the people to do as he wished, or to 
destroy theii lives if they refused. 



; And then.'said Benjamin, with in- 
creased animation, 'the people of this 
country left their farms, their shops, 
and their homes, became soldiers and 
fought the armies which the king of 
England had sent against them. 
George Washington was the Ameri- 
can general, and the war is called the 
war of the Revolution. And the dis- 
tinguished men, who had come from 
all the different states, and had met 
at Philadelphia, published on the 
fourth of July 1776, a Declaration 
of Independence They declared 
that the people of the United States 
would no longer remain under the 
government of the king of England, 
but would be a free and Independent 
people. And that is the reason why 
the fourth of July has ever since been 



10 

called Independence day — the rea- 
son why it has been singled out from 
all the rest of the days in the year, 
celebrated and in various ways,and in 
all parts of the land. It is because 
the people, on that day, declared 
themselves to be free and indepen- 
dent, is it not, father?' 'Yes, my 
son, you have answered correctly. 
And you are now prepared to under- 
stand why it is that Sunday schools 
have something to do with Indepen- 
dence. It is because Sunday schools 
are regarded as the means of prepar- 
ing the scholars who receive instruc- 
tion in them, for the more full and 
perfect enjoyment of that indepen- 
dence, which was declared, and of 
rendering that liberty more safe in 
their houses, the means of so train- 



11 

ing and fitting them, that they may 
become the firm supporters, and able 
defenders of liberty and indepen- 
dence. 5 

Benjamin paused for a moment, 
and seemed not to know what to say. 
But in a short time he said, 'father, I 
don't see how that is, I don^t see 
how Sunday schools are to fit the 
scholars, who attend them, for en- 
joying or defending liberty. I can un- 
derstand how the military school at 
West Point prepares its scholars to 
become defenders of liberty; because 
they there learn to be soldiers, and 
are prepared to fight our enemies. 
But in Sunday schools we learn 
something very different from this. 
We learn about God our Father in 
Heaven, that he created us, that he 



12 

takes care of, and supports us, and 
that to him we must give an account 
of all that we do. We learn that he 
is perfectly holy, and cannot take 
pleasure in sin, that he loves men, 
and has sent his son to save them 
from the love, the power, and the 
consequences of sin. We learn about 
Jesus, the Saviour, how much he 
loved us, what sacrifices he endured, 
to save us from sin. We learn that 
we should love God, with all our 
whole hearts, that we should avoid 
the wrong and pursue the right course 
of conduct, that we should love our 
neighbors as ourselves, that we 
should love our enemies, and pray 
for them, and treat them kindly. I 
can understand, continued Benjamin, 
how all this is calculated to make us 



13 

better children now, and better men 
and women, when we grow up, but 
I cannot understand how it is to fit 
us for the higher enjoyment of liberty, 
or to make us better defenders of it. 
I should think that he who felt it his 
duty to love his enemies, and to treat 
them kindly, would not be fit for a 
soldier, would not be willing to kill 
and destroy their enemies. And I 
should think too, that he who was 
trying to govern his conduct by the 
instructions which are given to us in 
the Sunday school, would enjoy lib 
erty less than others rather than 
more. 5 

It is very natural, my son, that you 
should think as you do, and yet if 
you will attend very closely to what 
I say, I think I can show you, that 



14 

your opinions are incorrect. I have 
said that the instruction which is giv- 
en in Sunday schools, is calculated 
to fit the scholars, who receive it, for 
the higher, the more full and perfect 
enjoyment of liberty and Indepen- 
dence. Let me show you how this 
is. You attend school, in the school 
where you go, there are certain fixed 
laws or rules of school, which all the 
scholars are required to obey, are 
there not? There are then, in your 
school certain degrees of liberty, 
which you are all allowed, and cer- 
tain limits, beyond which you must 
not pass. Now your cousin John finds 
these laws or rules of school very 
troublesome. They are a continual 
restraint u^on him. They seem to be 
constantly interrupting his plans of 






15 

play, and he finds a great deal of 
fault with the master because he is 
so strict. He does not enjoy, at all, 
the degree of liberty which he is al- 
lowed. But how is it with you, my 
son? I have never heard you com- 
plain, I have not known of your be- 
ing punished in school, and in your 
monthly bills you are reported as 
having conducted well. Do you, my 
son, feel the rules of school to be a 
constant restraint upon you? Are 
they constantly interrupting your 
plans? Do you find your teacher 
strict? 

<Oh no, 5 said Benjamin, 'I don't 
feel the restraints of the rules of the 
school at all, I do just as I wish to, 
for I always wish to do what is right. 
I always wish to be prompt and punc- 



16 

tual at the hour of opening the school. 
And so I do not feel the restraint of 
the law, in regard to those who are 
late. I always wish to get my les- 
sons thoroughly, and so I do not feel 
the rule, which requires us to study 
an hour and a half each evening, to 
be any restraint. And it is often the 
case, that I cannot get my lesson, so 
as to satisfy myself, without study- 
ing much longer than that. And I do 
these things, not merely that I may 
avoid being punished at school, but 
that I may please my Father in heav* 
en, for mother says, that now, while 
I am a boy, the way in which I must 
serve and please God, is to be kind 
and obedient, and industrious. 

Now, Benjamin, said his father, 
here are you and your cousin John, 



17 

favored at school with precisely the 
same degree of liberty, you are both 
required to obey the same laws, and 
submit to the same restraints. And 
which, do you think, has the most 
full and perfect enjoyment of this de- 
gree of liberty? 5 

*Why« father, do you ask such a 
question? You know that I enjoy 
it much more highly than cousin 
John does. 5 

' And why, my son? Is it not 
because, through the blessing of God 
upon your mother's efforts, and up- 
on mine, you have been trained to an 
habitual conscientious desire to do 
right? Your cousin John, who lost 
both his father and his mother, when 
very young, has received no such 
careful training to habits of doin§ 
2 



18 

right. You have received from your 
parents, to a certain extent, a reli- 
gious education, have been taught to 
act from a desire of doing jour duty 
and pleasing your God. John has re- 
ceived no religious education. He 
has no desire to please God. He seeks 
only to please himself. And if any 
course of conduct is pleasing to him, 
he does not ask whether it is right. 
You see then, my son, that your hav- 
ing received, though but partially, a 
religious education, and having been 
taught to please God in all that 
you do, gives you a higher enjoy- 
ment of the degree of liberty, which 
your school allows, than your cousin 
John experiences, who has received 
no religious education, and seeks on- 
ly to please himself in what he does. 



19 

But it is just the same with men, in 

regard to the laws of the land, as it is 

with you boys, in regard to the rules 

of school. There are certain degrees 

of liberty allowed, and certain limits, 

marked by laws* beyond which men 

must not go. But those, who have 

received a religious education, or 

have formed religious characters, 

those who are endeavoring to regulate 

their conduct by the principles of the 

Gospel, and to manifest its spirit, will 

experience the most full and perfect 

enjoyment of the liberty, with which 

we are blessed. If then, all these 

scholars, who now attend Sunday 

schools, should, when they become 

men and women, try, in all that they 

do, to please God, to walk according 

to his will, to regulate their conduct 



20 

by the spirit and the principles of the 
Gospel, they would not feel the re- 
straints of the laws of the land. If 
the laws of the land should say all 
fraud and knavery, all wickedness, 
dishonesty, and swindling, shall be 
punished with imprisonment, these 
Sunday school scholars would not 
feel that law to be a restraint upon 
them. They would be governed by 
a higher law, by the spirit of the Gos- 
pel, which teaches us, under all cir- 
cumstances, to do unto others as we 
would have them do unto us. Their 
having received a religious educa- 
tion, and their being governed by re- 
ligious principles, gives them a high- 
er and more full enjoyment of the 
liberty, with which we are blessed, 
than they would otherwise experi- 



21 

ence. You see, therefore, my son, 
that Sunday schools fit their scholars 
for the more full and perfect enjoy- 
ment of liberty. Do you understand 
how this is? ? 

*I think I do, 5 said Benjamin. I 
will try to think of it, and then I shall 
understand it, better and apply it to 
my own conduct. But, father, you 
said that Sunday schools were con- 
sidered the means of rendering our 
liberty and independence more safe in 
the hands of their scholars, than they 
would be in the hands of those not 
trained in Sunday schools. Will 
you have the goodness to explain 
this now? 

'I will my son. There are several 
ways in which our liberty and inde- 
pendence may be destroyed. Our 



22 

liberty may pass away, and yield to 
a severe and rigorous government, 
from necessity, and because we are 
not fitted to be the subjects of a free 
government, to live under mild laws. 

But how so, father? 

Suppose that in your school, my 
son, the teacher saw that every schol- 
ar was desirous of doin^ right: was 
in all cases conscientious and faithful. 
He would scarcely need any rules or 
laws at all. Or he would need them 
only as guides to the scholars, to 
point out to them the right course of 
conduct, which their own desires 
would lead them to pursue. Instead 
of saying, "Your lesson is so long, 
you must get it and get it thorough- 
ly, or I shall punish you, 5 ' he could 
say to you, ; I cannot tell, whether 



23 

your next lesson will be difficult or 
easy to you; you can judge for your- 
selves, when you study it ; you may 
therefore set your own lessons." — 
This could your teacher do. This 
degree of liberty in regard to your 
lessons he could grant you, if he felt 
confident that you would not take the 
advantage, that your simple desire 
would be to do right, and that under 
the influence of this feeling you 
would be faithful to yourselves. 

You perceive therefore, that the 
more fixed and powerful is your re- 
ligious principle, the more firm and 
influential your desire to do right, the 
more liberty could your teacher grant 
you, the more mild and indulgent 
would his government be. But, if 
all the scholars in your school, or the 



24 

larger part of them, were of a differ- 
ent character, trying to get rid of 
study as much as possible, and not 
influenced by a desire to do right, 
your teacher must be more strict with 
you. He must fix the limits of your 
lessons, and threaten punishments if 
they are not thoroughly learned. — 
You perceive, then, that the less you 
are actuated by a religious principle, 
by a desire to do right and to please 
God, the less liberty can be granted 
you, and the more strict and severe 
the government of your school must 
be. And this severity will be the re- 
sult of necessity,becauseyou are not 
fitted for the enjoyment of a milder 
government. 

I see how it is in school, said Ben- 
jamin, but I do not see how it is to 



25 

be applied to the government of these 
United States. 

It is in this way. said his father. 
If all the people in these United 
States, were influenced by religious 
principle by a desire to please God 
and to do right, there would be no 
prosecutions or punishments under 
the laws, which now exist and which 
forbid theft and other crimes. And if 
this became the fixed character of the 
people, these laws would almost pass 
from notice. They might remain on 
the statute books, but there would 
be no occasion to put them in force, 
and the government would, in fact, 
be constantly growing milder and 
milder. 

'But if a large number of the peo- 
ple of this land are irreligious, not 



£6 

striving to please God by doing right, 
seeking only their own pleasure, or 
advancement, and not regarding the 
principles of the Gospel in their treat- 
ment of others, there would be fre- 
quent occasion to put our present 
laws in force, and inflict the punish- 
ments which they deserve. And then, 
too, more strict, particular and se- 
vere laws would, from time to time, 
be called for, in order to protect the 
best interest of the community. You 
have heard of the Temperance law, 
so called, in Massachusetts, by which 
men are prohibited from selling ar- 
dent spirits in a less quantity than 
fifteen gallons. That is one illustra- 
tion of the way in which severe, and 
strict, and particular laws would be 
called for, by the want of religious 



27 

principles in the people. If every 
man in the State, was a religious man, 
desirous of doing right, of pleasing 
God, of acting towards his fellow 
man upon the principles of the Gos- 
pel, there would be no occasion to 
pass such a law. It is because men 
are selfish, not governed by religious 
principle, not seeking, according to 
the spirit of the Gospel, to promote 
the best good of all around them, that 
such a law is necessary. 5 

4 But, father, are not many very 
good men, who are friends of Tempe- 
rance, opposed to that law? 5 

'Yes, there are many, who doubt 
the propriety and expediency of the 
law r . But there are no good men, 
who would not be glad to see all men 
influenced by their religious princi- 



28 

pies, to give up selling ardent spirit, 
and so remove all occasion for it. 
But I mentioned the law, simply to 
show how the want of religious prin- 
ciples in the community, would nat- 
urally and unavoidably lead to great- 
er strictness and severity of govern- 
ment. And you see that the more 
entirely the people are governed by 
a desire to do right and please God, 
the better fitted will they be for the 
subjects of a free government, the 
more mild may that government be- 
come, and the more safe will it be 
in their hands. You see, too, that 
the more generally the people are 
destitute of religious principles, the 
more selfish and vicious they become, 
the more will they need the restraints 
of a rigid and severe government. I 



29 

have thus shown you how a religious 
education, in our Sunday schools, 
will prevent the government from be- 
coming severe in fact, while it is free 
only in name? 

'Yes, father, but there is one thing 
you have forgotten. The people here 
choose their own rulers. If the ma- 
jority become vicious, and lovers of 
vice, they would not choose men who 
would enact severe laws against 
their own practices. 5 

'Trne, 5 said his father. 5 They would 
try to choose rulers who would favor 
their vices. But a republican form of 
government could not long remain in 
that way. 5 

'And why not,' said Benjamin. 
'Because, 5 replied his father, 5 the 
different individuals of the majority 



30 

would look, not to the good of the 
whole country, nor yet to the good 
of the majority, of which they are 
the members, hut at their own pri- 
vate gratification. This I say, would 
be the feeling of each individual. And 
yet the interests of different individ- 
uals would be often in opposition to 
each other. They would soon be en- 
gaged in contention among them- 
selves, would become inflamed with 
anger, and some one of them, more 
daring than the rest, would seize up- 
on the government, and put an end 
to its republican form. Indeed, we 
see this often illustrated, in the con- 
tentions of the prominent men. of dif- 
ferent political parties among us. 
Here are some twenty individuals, 
who are closely united as the prom- 



inent men of some political party.- — 
They profess to have the good of the 
country at heart, or at least they pro- 
fess to have the good of the party, to 
which they belong, and , with which, 
they contend the good of the country 
is indentified most dearly at heart. 
But, in a short time, some two or 
three of these find, that in the distri- 
bution of offices and honors, and em- 
oluments, they are overlooked; and 
now they come out the bitter ene- 
mies of those, with whom they were, 
but a short time before, so closely 
united. They expose the various tricks 
which had been adopted, while all 
were together, professing great love 
for the good of the country, to deceive 
the people and secure their own per- 
sonal ends. In this way the true mo- 



32 

tives by which all were actuated, are 
exposed, and you see that when these 
men are in this way, destitute of reli- 
gious principles, selfishly seeking, 
each his own personal ends, they soon 
fall into contention among them- 
selves, and I believe, my son, that it 
would be impossible to keep any po- 
litical party, in even seeming union 
for any length of time, were all actu- 
ated by the same feelings and motives 
with many of the leaders. But the 
great mass of honest men, who wish 
only to see the government well ad- 
ministered, without desiring its offices 
and honors for themselves, operate 
as a balance,to check this tendency to 
evil. But if the great majority of the 
people were to become irreligious, 
selfish and vicious, they might think 



33 

perhaps to choose rulers who would 
be of their own character, and would 
favor their desires. But it would be 
all in vain. They would soon fall 
into contention among themselves 
and the government would be de- 
stroyed. Have I explained that point 
to your satisfaction? 5 

'Yes, father. But are there not 
other dangers, which our free system 
of government has to fear? 5 

'There are, my son. Our liberty 
is in danger of being sapped, and our 
independence of being destroyed, 
by a spirit of insubordination to 
the laws; you have read of the 
mobs in New York, and in some 
of the other large cities of our 
land. And this spirit of insubordi- 
nation seems to be gaining ground. 

3 



34 



Bat the instruction given in Sunday 
schools seems to be the most proper 
and effectual means of putting a stop 
to these mobs, and of checking this 
spirit of insubordination. Do you 
suppose that the leaders of the mobs 
were men governed by religious prin- 
ciples, striving in all things to do 
right, and please God? Most cer- 
tainly not. But if the whole commu- 
nity could be brought under the in- 
fluence of religious principle, there 
would be no danger of mobs, there 
would prevail a spirit of submission 
and subordination. They would all 
be endeavoring to promote good or- 
der, would all respect and obey the 
laws, and when they might suppose 
themselves to be wronged, they would 
seek redress only in a lawful way, 



35 



just so far as Sunday schools are the 
means of training their scholars to 
act from religious principles, just so 
far they will free our liberties from 
the dangers to which they are ex- 
posed from a spirit of insubordina- 
tion. Who among the scholars of 
your school are the most obedient 
and attentive to all, which the rules 
of the school require: those who at- 
tend Sunday schools, and who ap- 
pear in all they do, to be striving to 
do right and please God, or those 
who are profane and careless in re- 
gard to their conduct?' 

<<V said Benjamin, 'there is no 
need of asking such a question as 
that. Every body knows that those 
who are most desirous of doing what 
is right, are the most obedient and 



36 

attentive. But are there no other 
dangers, father? 3 

'Yes, my son. One of the great- 
est dangers which our country has to 
fear, is from the prevalence of party 
spirit/ 

'Party spirit, what is that? 5 
'You know that there are different 
political parties. There is the Whig 
Party, and the Conservative Party, 
and the Democratic Party. And 
you know, too, that when there is an 
election of public offices, these par- 
ties become very warm, almost angry 
with each other. Now there is dan- 
ger that, in their earnestness for the 
promotion of their party, men will 
say and do things, which are not 
right. The men of one party will 
write and publish things in regard td 



37 

the other party, and the candidates 
of the other party, which are not true. 
Men will vote, too, for those whom 
they know to be leading vicious lives, 
in order to secure the success of their 
party. And when men are cho- 
sen to office, they will feel that they 
are chosen by a party and will ad- 
minister the government, not for the 
good of the whole, but in such a way 
as will best suit the party which has 
chosen them. In this way a devo- 
tion to party will be productive of 
great evils, and will eventually, if it 
is not checked, result in the destruc- 
tion of our liberties. 5 

4 But father, there must be parties, 
must there not? 5 

4 Yes. In a government like ours, 
if men think for themselves, they will 



38 

differ iri opinion in regard to the best 
measures to be pursued by govern- 
ment. This difference of opinion will 
give rise to different parties. And 
these parties will warmly oppose 
each other. For, if men are honest 
in their opinions, they will be warm- 
ly attached to them. It is well that 
this should be so. One party will 
be a watch and a check upon the op- 
posite party. As long as the mem- 
bers of each party are governed by 
religious principles, by principles, 
which will prevent their doing any 
thing to advance the interests of their 
party, which is not right, any thing 
which they are not satisfied will meet 
the approbation of God, and is in ac- 
cordance with the spirit of the gos- 
pel, so long parties are a blessing ra- 



39 

ther than a curse to our country. But 
it is a fact, that many things are now 
done, by the leaders of the different 
parties, which are not right, which 
are sinful. And it is this being wil- 
ling to do what is not right, for the 
advancement of a party, which en- 
dangers our freedom. 5 

'How will Sunday schools prevent 
this?' 

'It is in this way. Every truly re- 
ligious man will, by his religious 
principles, be prevented from doing 
wrong, to promote the interest of his 
party. If every member of a politi- 
cal party were a truly religious man, 
he would not misrepresent the do- 
ings of the opposite party. He would 
not attempt to excite a prejudice 
against the opposite party. He would 



40 

not say any thing, either in private or 
in public, in regard to the candidates 
of an opposite party, but what he 
might know, before God, to be strict- 
ly true. He would feel that he is 
accountable for what he does in po- 
litical matters, not only to his own 
party, but to the whole community, 
and not only to the community, but 
to a heart-searching Jehovah. And 
then too, if a man is proposed as 
a candidate for office, by his own par- 
ty, whom he knows to be an intem- 
perate, an immoral, and an unprin- 
cipled man, he would sooner cut off 
his right hand than vote for him. He 
would feel, that in giving his vote, he 
must be governed by a desire to do 
right, and to please God.' 

'But, father, I heard Mr. Elder, 



41 

the other day, talking upon that very 
subject; and he said that every man, 
who was true to his party, would vote 
for the regularly nominated candi- 
date, even if he knew him to be a 
bad man. 5 

4 1 know he says so. And that is 
what I call a dangerous party spirit. 
Just to the extent in which men are 
governed by that principle, just to that 
extent will our liberties be in danger. 

4 But Mr. Elder said, father, that 
the object in choosing men to polit- 
ical offices, was to advance certain 
political principles, that if the men, 
nominated, were the best men to ad- 
vance these political principles,it was 
no matter what their private and mor- 
al character might be.' 

'I have heard all that? my son, and 
I think it all wrong. I have more 



42 

Fears for the liberties of our country 
from the prevalence of such princi- 
ples, than from any other source. If 
I vote for a man, whom I know to 
be a bad man, a man of vicious char- 
acter. I do all in my power to en- 
courage vice, to make it respectable, 
to give it a currency in the view of 
the young. You would think it very 
strange, my son, if I should say to 
you, that I did not think it much 
matter, whether a man was tempe- 
rate or intemperate, honest, or dis- 
honest, that I thought it very well to 
gamble, or to defraud another of his 
just dues, when it could be done 
without detection. 5 

'Most certainly I should, father. 9 
'And yet, my son, if you should 
see me vote for an intemperate man. 



m 

lot a dishonest man, for a gambler, 
or for one who had defrauded his cred- 
itors of their just dues, you would 
think that I did not consider it a mat- 
ter of much consequence, what a 
man's character might be, in these 
respects, should you not?' 

*I think I should, 5 said Benjamin* 
' Whatever then, I might say to 
you in conversation, I should say to 
you in conduct, that their vices were 
no injury to a man. And you would 
yourself begin to think, 'well, after 
all, it is no great consequence, wheth- 
er I conduct correctly or not. You 
know, that last winter, that I spoke 
at the public meeting, which was 
held in the Church, of the importance 
of doing something to promote tem- 
perance, and correct conduct among 



44 

our young men. Young Mr. Bogue, 
who you know is a very talented, 
but a very dissipated young lawyer, 
was there, and heard what I said. 
If he knew that I had voted for an 
intemperate or dissipated man, be- 
cause he was the regularly nomina^ 
ted candidate of my party, would he 
not have laughed at all that I said, 
among his companions. Would he 
not have boasted, that notwithstand- 
ing my talk and his dissipation, still 
if he could secure the nomination of 
the party, he should feel sure of my 
vote. If then I vote for an immoral 
man, because he is the regularly 
nominated candidate of my party, I 
do as much to encourage and promote 
vice and immorality, so far as the 
fact may be known, as I should, if I 



43 

pfiiblicly proclaimed that I thought 
it of no consequence whether a man 
Sustained a correct moral character 
or not. I do all in my power to en- 
courage vice and immorality among 
the people, and particularly among 
the young. You see then, that al- 
though I may do something to ad- 
vance what I regard as correct po- 
litical principles, yet that I shall do 
more to encourage vice and immo- 
rality. And my son^ here is the 
grand mistake, which politicians 
make. They seem to think that the 
perpetuity of our free institutions^ 
depends on the correctness of the po- 
litical principles which may- prevail, 
and the propriety of the political 
courses which may be pursued. But 
it is not so. The most correct po- 



46 

Iitical principles may prevail, and the 
wisest political course may be pursu- 
ed, and yet, if vice and immorality 
gain ground, and become prevalent in 
our land, our free institutions must 
fall. On the contrary, if the whole 
community are governed by correct 
religious and moral principles,ourfree 
institutions, our liberty and indepen- 
dence are safe, though the worst of 
political principles may, for a time, 
prevail, and the most injudicious of 
political courses may be for a time 
pursued- The duration and influence 
of these evils will be temporary. 
There will be a power for good and 
for the preservation of our institu- 
tions, in the moral and religious prin- 
ciple^ of the people. Every truly re- 
ligious man then, as it seems to me, 



47 

my son, will conscientiously avoid 
voting for an irreligious man,although 
he may be the regularly nominated 
candidate of his party. 5 

'But still further; if all men should 
be brought under the influence of re- 
ligious principles, then those, who 
should be chosen to office, would dis- 
charge the duties of their offices con- 
scientiously. They would strive to 
satisfy their own consciences, and to 
secure the approbation of God, by 
promoting the best good of the whole 
community, instead of seeking to 
please their party. You see then, 
in what way the prevalence of reli- 
gious principle in the community, 
would check the natural tendency of 
parties to give rise to party spirit, 
and would be a safe-guard against 



the dangers, with which we are now 
threatened from this source. And 
just so far as Sunday schools are in- 
strumental in securing the prevalence 
of religious principles in the commu- 
nity, just so far are they a safe-guard 
against the evils and dangers of party 
spirit. 5 Here the conversation be- 
tween Benjamin and his father ended. 
Benjamin said that he would think 
of what his father had said to him, 
and try to understand it more fully 
than he then did. 

The next day Benjamin came to 
his father and said, 4 I have been 
thinking of what you told me yester- 
day, and 1 think 1 understand^ now. 
But there was one thing which you 
forgot to explain.' 

'And what is that?' 



49 



\I know 5 ,said Benjamin, 'that a bad 
man is an enemy to himself. But 
how is he an enemy to his country, 
and to her liberties? 5 

'Why, my son, suppose that sev- 
eral bad boys were to enter your 
school, quarrelsome, profane, and 
Hying boys? Would they not,at once, 
disturb all your happiness, and de- 
stroy all your peace? Would they 
not compel the master to be more 
strict? Would they not lead away 
Some of the younger scholars, who 
are now good boys, into the same 
oad practices? 5 

'I should hope, father, that there 
will no such bad boys enter our 
school. 5 

'I hope not,my son. But you see, 
that if they should, they would be 



50 



enemies, not only to themselves, de- 
stroying their own happiness, but en- 
emies to the whole school, destroy- 
ing the happiness, and abridging the 
liberty of the whole school. Now 
it would be just the same in the com- 
munity. If a large number of the 
people become bad men, they would 
destroy the peace and happiness of 
the whole community; and would 
sooner or later, abridge or overturn 
its liberties. For, as I told you yes- 
terday, it is only good men, that are 
capable of enjoying, or who would 
long preserve, liberty. A nation of 
bad men, or a nation in which the 
majority are bad men* cannot long 
maintain a free government. You 
see then, my son, that the vices, the 
bad practices, and the evil passions 



51 

of men, are the worst enemies to lib- 
erty and independence. But if all 
were trained in Sunday schools, or 
were, in any other way, religiously 
educated, and were conscientiously 
striving to do right, and please God, 
then these enemies, vices, bad prac- 
tices, and evil passions, would all be 
removed. 5 

'I see this, 5 said Benjamin, '•but 
still you have not told me how Sun- 
day schools are a defense against 
war, and the armies which may be 
sent against us from other nations. 5 
4 I will now tell you, my son. If 
all men, and especially, if those, who 
are chosen to rule over us, are men 
governed by the precepts of the gos- 
pel, there would be nothing done 
which would excite other nations to 



52 

make war upon us. For rulers,. be- 
ing accustomed to feel themselves un-" 
der obligations to do to their fellow 
men around them, as they would have 
their fellow men do to them, will act 
upon the same principles in the man- 
agement of the public affairs of the 
nation. They will endeavor to treat 
all other nations, as they would have 
all other nations treat them. They 
will do no injustice to other nations. 
They will cherish towards other na- 
tions, a spirit of kindness and love, 
and will manifest an earnest desire 
to promote the prosperity, and best 
good of other nations. In this way, 
if the rulers ofthe different nations 
were governed solely by the princi- 
ples of the Gospel in their manage- 
ment of national affairs, and in their 



53 



treatment of one another as rulers, 
most of the causes of war would be 
removed. For it is very seldom that 
a war springs up between two na- 
tions, unless there has been some im- 
proper and unchristian treatment, on 
the part of one towards the other. 

Still further, should there arise a 
misunderstanding between our gov- 
ernment and some other, if our rulers 
were influenced by christian princi- 
ples, they would manifest such a spir- 
it of forbearance, as would naturally 
tend to allay hostility, and make 
those who might be at variance with 
us our friends. Our enemies would 
be overcome by kindness. And it is 
easier to overcome an enemy by kind- 
ness, than it is by fighting. You have 
read the story of the little boy, who 



•54 

struck his sister. She was just lift- 
ing her hand to strike in return. — 
But her Sunday school teacher, who 
saw her, said to her, 'you had better 
kiss him 5 She immediately kissed 
him, which so touched his feelings, 
that it at once overpowered all his 
unkindness, and filled his eyes with 
tears, and his heart with sorrow, that 
he had struck her. Now, if she had 
struck him, he would have been made 
still more angry, — would probably 
have struck her again, and would not 
have been easily overcome. It would 
be somewhat the same with differ ant 
nations. A course of kindness and 
forbarance towards each other, an en- 
deavor to promote each other's best 
good, and a readiness on the part of 
each, to make ail satisfactory re- 



DO 



dress^ when any difficulty or misun- 
derstanding may have arisen, would 
tend to allay all rising feelings of hos- 
tility, and to preserve peace. And 
if all national rulers could be indu- 
ced to act in all matters of nation- 
al intercourse, upon Christian prin- 
ciples, there would soon be an end of 
jail wars. And just so far as the prin- 
ciples of the Gospel prevail among 
the different nations and their rulers, 
just so far as they conduct upon 
the principles which are taught in 
Sunday schools, just to that degree 
will wars cease and peace prevail. 5 

( I see how this is father. But still 

you do not come to the point, I want 

to know how Sunday schools will 

make their scholars better soldiers. 5 

'But, my sen, is it not just as well 



56 

to disarm our enemies, and save our- 
selves from their violence, by allay- 
ing their hostility, and filling them 
with peace and kindness, as to over- 
come them by fighting? Nay more, 
is it not much better? If your school 
mate is angry with you, and is about 
to beat you, is it not much better, by 
a soil answer, to turn away his wrath} 
than it would be to overcome him by 
fighting? If you overcome him by 
kindness, yon make him your friend, 
and he will ever after be trying to 
manifest his gratitude, and his friend- 
ship, by acts of kindness. If you 
overcome him by fighting, you may 
yourself, be much injured in the con- 
test: and you will not make him your 
friend. He will probably be your 
enemy still, prevented only by fear. 



57 

from attacking you again. Is it not 
much better than, to disarm your en- 
emy by kindness, than to overcome 
him by fighting. 

So in regard to national disputes. 
If a misunderstanding arise between 
this and some other nation, that oth- 
er nation becomes filled with feelings 
of enmity and hostility towards us; 
it is much better for us to allay that 
enemity and hostility, by a course 
of kindness and forbearance, than to 
conquer the armies of that nation in 
battle. If we allay the hostility by 
kindness, we make that nation our 
friend. Arrangements of a commer- 
cial character, which are mutually 
beneficial, may be entered into. — 
And as they are entered into with 
kind feelings on both sides, there will 



be no disposition to break through 
them at the first opportunity. A per- 
manent and mutually beneficial peace 
may thus be secured. But if we en- 
ter into war,we shall, as a nation, be 
subjected to great expense,to support 
and pay an army,— all branches of 
business would be prostrated, and ev- 
ery class of citizens would suffer,— 
many lives would be destroyed,— 
many families would be filled with 
sorrow and distress, — and should our 
armies prove victorious, we should 
fail to make Friends of the nation, 
with whom we had been at war.— 
The feelings of hostility, which had 
been excited, would be deepened and 
perpetuated. It would bea hostile 
nation still and prevented from attac- 
king us, only by fear. I am satisfi- 






59 

ed therefore, my son, that it is much 
better to disarm a hostile nation by 
kindness, than to conquer it in war. 
But, as you think that in what I 
have thus far said, I have evaded the 
true point of your enquiry, I will now 
come to it, and shew you how Sun- 
day schools will make better sol- 
diers. Suppose then, that our gov- 
ernment has pursued towards all oth- 
er nations, a truly christian course, 
has conducted in a just and kind, and 
forbearing manner, has studied in all 
particulars, the things which make 
lor peace. Suppose that after all 
this, some nation makes war upon us, 
and sends armies against us. Would 
not this whole people, as one man, 
feel that the cause in which they 
were called to fight, was a just and 



60 



righteous cause? And would not 
this consciousness of the justness of 
their cause, fill them with almost 
more than human courage, and nerve 
them with almost more than human 
strength? I admit that military train- 
ing is important in making good and 
effective soldiers. But there are times 
when the best disciplined troops must 
give way before the undisciplined 
band, which is nerved by the thought 
that the cause in which they are en- 
gaged, is a just and righteous cause. 
If then, our people are religiously ed- 
ucated and have been pursuing to- 
wards other nations the course mark- 
ed out by religious principle, and yet 
are compelled by the injustice and 
oppression of other nations, to en- 
gage in war. Their religious priri* 



61 

ciples, their religious trust and confi- 
dence in God, will fill them with 
courage, and nerve them for the con- 
test. I have my doubts, my son, 
whether any war can be justified on 
christian principles. But, you see 
that if any war can be justified, it is 
only an extreme case, a last resort. 
And you see too, that a nation reli- 
giously educated, will be prevented 
from engaging in any war, which 
cannot be justified upon christian 
principles, and that when compelled 
to engage in a war, which even with 
all christian justice and kindness, 
they could not escape, their religious 
education is calculated to make them 
good soldiers. 5 

Here Benjamin remained silent for 
some time. The explanation of his 



62 



father seemed to be different from 
what he had expected. He seemed 
hardly to know what to make of it. 
But, after remaining for sometime si- 
lent and thoughtful,, he said, 'father, 
there was a great deal said, last win- 
ter, when the soldiers were called 
out to go to the disputed territory, 
there was a great deal said about na- 
tional honor, and the importance of 
bravely defending the national honor. 9 
'I know there was, my son, and 1 
know there is always much said 
about national honor, which is utter- 
ly inconsistant with a christian spir- 
it, and with the christian principles, 
and which ought never to be said in 
a christian community. Men seem 
to think that the nation which is the 
most ready to resent every slight 



63 

neglect, and to revenge every slight 
insult or injury, manifests the nicest 
and most delicate sense of national 
honor. And this too, even in chris- 
tian countries. You remember, my 
son, that the Gospel of Christ teach- 
es us to bear long with those who 
injure us, to forgive our enemies, and 
to seek always the best good of all. 
Ail this talk then, about national hon- 
or seems to. me to proceed from wrong 
notions of the proper grounds of true 
honor. He manifests the greatest 
degree of true honor of character, 
who conducts in the most gentleman- 
ly, correct, and honorable manner. 
The honor of a man is stained not by 
what another does to him, but by 
what he does himself. It is not he, 
about whose character falsehoods are 



64 



circulated, but he who is himself 
guilty of falsehood, whose character 
is dishonored. It is not the insult 
received, but the violent and unchris- 
tian temper manifested, which dis- 
honors the character. The man who 
bears insults patiently^ rather than do 
an ungentlemanly act, or manifest 
unchristian feelings, has the nicest 
and most delicate sense of honor.- — 
This will be admitted in all christian 
communities, as a true view of hon- 
or of character among individuals. 
It is the same with national honor. 
That people manifests the nicest and 
most delicate, and most correct sense 
of national honor, which is most un- 
willing to do any thing of an unchris- 
tian character, by which that honor 
may be stained; which is most desi- 



65 

rous of promoting the improvement 
and happiness of all its subjects, and 
most willing to pursue those courses 
which, while they secure its own 
prosperity, will promote the prosper- 
ity of other nations. A nation may 
say we have been insulted, we have 
been injured, and we have remained 
quiet under insult and injury, rather 
than pursue an unchristian course of 
revenge. A nation may say this, and 
not feel that she is dishonored, that 
her national honor is tarnished by 
her course. But a nation, which 
has waspishly revenged an insult, — 
which has rashly engaged in war, — 
which has returned insult and injury, 
for insult and injury, has tarnished 
her national honor. You see then, 
that the principles inculcated in the 
5 



66 

Sunday schools, are adapted to cor- 
rect the false notions of national hon- 
or, which have descended from bar- 
barous times, and heathenish na- 
tions, but which still prevail, and to 
create such a state of public feeling, 
and public opinion upon the subject, 
as will promote peace, instead of ex- 
citing wars among the nations of the 
earth.* 

ki 'But father, 5 said Benjamin, 'is 
not he the truest and the greatest 
patriot, vvho is willing to fight for 
his country? 5 

'No, my son,— I suppose that up- 
on this subject, you have the ideas 
which are every where prevalent, 
many of which are wrong. The tru- 
est and best patriot, is he, who is 
most willing to labor and make sac- 



67 

rifices for the best good of his coun- 
try in whatever way he is called to 
do this. It is generally thought, I 
know, that he who will fight for his 
country, or who is very active in the 
political affairs of the nation, is the 
truest and warmest patriot, and these 
are, too often regarded as the only 
ways in which patriotism can be ap- 
propriately manifested. But it is not 
so, my son, — A man may fight bravely 
for his country, while his motive is to 
promote his own good, to secure 
wealth or distinction. He may not 
be laboring, or making sacrifices sim- 
ply for the good of his country. He 
surely, who is seeking his own pro- 
motion, cannot be a patriot, merely 
because he is seeking it in a particu- 
lar way, — by fighting the enemies of 



68 



his country. He may be addicted to 
bad practices, — may be indulging in 
vicious courses, — courses, which, if 
they were to become common, would 
be injurious to the best interest of 
the community. He may be unwil- 
ling to renounce these for the good 
of the community; and, by continuing 
in them, may be doing as much to 
destroy the liberties of his country, 
as any enemy he is called to fight, 
could possibly do, — he is not willing 
to sacrifice a personal indulgence for 
the good of his country, — he cannot 
therefore be considered as a true or 
a warm patriot. 

So too, a man may make great pro- 
fessions of patriotism, and may be 
very active in all popular elections. 
But it may be, that, while he talks of 



69 

the good of the people, he is looking 
forward to future promotion, or anx- 
iously seeking to retain the office 
he holds, — you may see him perhaps, 
giving ardent spirits to his neighbors, 
in order to secure their friendship, 
and their votes. Now my son, that 
man is not a true patriot, notwith- 
standing his professions, he is an en- 
emy to his country, and one of its 
worst enemies. He is no more a true 
patriot, than was Benedict Arnold, 
of whom you read in Spark's Biog- 
raphy. 5 

'But father, Benedict Arnold was 
a traitor, and was willing to betray 
his country into the hands of the en- 
emy. 5 

Well my son, so he, who will give 
ardent spirits to the people,in order to 




70 



secure their friendship, or their votes, 
for himself or his party, is a traitor. 
He is willing to sell his countrymen 
into a worse than Algerine bondage, 
if by so doings he can accomplish his 
ends, or secure his promotion. He 
is willing to be active in promoting 
the vice of intemperance, which is 
a worse enemy than any foreign ar- 
my. And here, my son, I would ex- 
press the hope, that you will ever 
remember that no man who is a bad 
man, a vicious, an immoral man, or 
who in any way knowingly, adminis- 
ters to the promotion of any vice, or 
immorality in the community, can be 
regarded as a true patriot. 9 

'But father, who is a true patriot, 
will you point out one,and then I shall 
understand your meaning better? 5 



71 

; You will remember, my son, that 
I have said, that he is the truest pa- 
triot, who is most willing to labor, 
and to make sacrifices for the good 
of his country, in whatever way he 
may be called to do it. I will now 
point out some of this class. There 
is Mr. D. — -he is a man of wealth, 
and of leisure. He is satisfied that 
the best good of this community, de- 
pends much upon the general and 
thorough education of all the people, 
and instead of spending his time and 
his money in securing his own grat- 
ifications and enjoyments, he em- 
ploys them in difficult efforts to pro- 
mote the improvement of our com- 
mon schools. He spends a great deal 
of time, and a great deal of money, 
for this purpose, because he thinks 



72 

that, in this way, he is doing some- 
thing to promote the best good of the 
community. He the% you perceive, 
is a true patriot, because he is wil- 
ling to put forth efforts for the best 
good of his country, in the particular 
way in which, by his attention, hav- 
ing become deeply engaged in the 
subject, he seems by Providence call • 
ed to do it. 

Then there is Mr. 0. His atten- 
tion has been awakened to the evils, 
which the community suffers from 
intemperance. And he is laboring 
earnestly and diligently, to promote 
the cause of temperance. He spends 
much time and money in collecting 
information upon the subject, and in 
spreading it abroad through the com- 
munity. He writes and speaks, and 



73 



does all in his power to awaken the 
puhlic mind upon the subject, and to 
guide public opinion right, in regard 
to it. He too, you perceive, is a pa- 
triot. He is willing to put forth ef- 
forts, and to make sacrifices for the 
promotion of the best good of the 
people, in the way in which he seems 
by Providence to be called to do it. 

And again, there is Mr. E. — whom 
I regard as a true patriot. He had 
for many years been engaged in sell- 
ing wines and ardent spirits, the prin- 
cipal part of his business and of his 
profits, depended on this branch. — 
And consequently, it was to this 
branch that he was accustomed to 
look for the support of his family. — 
But. a year or two ago, a temperance 
paper fell into his hands, by which 



his attention to the subject was awak- 
ened. He pursued his enquiries ? read 
and reflected upon the subject until 
he was satisfied, that from no one 
source was the community suffering 
so great evils, as from that of intem- 
perance. He felt that it was his du- 
ty, as he would shew himself a good 
citizen and a true patriot, to renounce 
this part of his business, his traffic 
in ardent spirits. But the thought 
of his family, dependent upon him for 
support, and of the diminished re- 
ceipts, which must result from re- 
nouncing this branch of his business, 
occurred to him, and caused him to 
waver awhile in his purpose. Upon 
further reflection, he felt that if he 
continued to sell, he was no better 
than a traitor to his country, and an 



iO 



enemy to the best good of the people. 
He said to himself, 'if for the sake of 
making money, and supporting my 
family, I should supply the army of 
the enemy with beef and pork, and 
other necessary provisions, I should 
be called at once, and by all, a trai- 
tor, and an enemy to my country. — 
But why so? Because I had placed 
my private interest above the public 
good. Because, for the sake of pe- 
cuniary profit, and the more gener- 
ous support of my family, I am wil- 
ling to feed and nourish the enemy, 
which threatens the destruction of 
my country. But is not intemper- 
ance a worse enemy to my country, 
more dangerous to her liberties, than 
any foreign army? Most surely it is. 
If then, for the sake of pecuniary 



76 



profit, and the more generous sup- 
port of ray family, I am willing by 
continuing in the sale of ardent spir- 
its, to feed and nourish this enemy, 
how am I any other than a traitor, 
and an enemy to her best good. In 
this way Mr. E. reasoned with him- 
self, and the result was, that he re- 
nounced the traffic in ardent spirits, 
and thereby made a personal sacri- 
fice for the public good. 

Now you will not hear these three 
men speaking much about their inter- 
est in the public prosperity, their 
anxiety to promote the good of the 
people. You will not see them ac- 
tive at elections, nor hear their voi- 
ces in caucases, and if war should 
break out you probably would not 
see either of them engaging actively 



i i 



in its battles and turmoils. And yet, 
I know not of three truer, warmer 
hearted, and more devoted patriots 
than they are. They are willing to 
put forth efforts, and make sacrifices 
for the public good. I regard these 
men as true patriots, for the same 
reason that I regard Washington as 
a patriot, Why was Washington 
a patriot? It was not because he 
fought bravely, — it was not because 
he led the armies of his country with 
skill and prudence, — Others have e- 
qualed Washington in these respects, 
while yet they were no patriots. — 
Washington was a patriot, because 
he was willing to put forth efforts, 
and make sacrifices for the good of 
his country, in the way in which he 
seemed to be called by Providence to 



78 



do it. Do you understand my son* 
from the cases which I have mention- 
ed, what my notions of patriotism 
are? 5 

'Yes father, I understand you, and 
I think I shall remember what you 
have said, — I shall entertain differ- 
ent ideas of patriotism, from what I 
have had. But father, I wish to ask 
one question more, if I have not al- 
ready troubled you too, much. 5 

'Ask it my son. It always gives me 
pleasure to answer your enquiries 
and impart to you all the information, 
which it is in my power to give, and 
especially does it give me pleasure 
to see you so desirous of gaining val- 
uable information, and so anxious to 
be fully satisfied in your mind in re- 
gard to every point of enquiry. Ask 






your question then, my son, and I 
will answer it as well as I can. 5 

'Well father, is it not in war only 
that we find heroes V 

'We often, my son, find heroes in 
war, engaged in bravely defending 
the rights of their country. This 
has been the case in times past, and 
in nations not imbued with the christ- 
ian spirit; and in certain cases, of 
absolutely defensive wars, it may per- 
haps be the case now. But these 
who bravely fight are not the only 
heroes of their countries, nor yet the 
greatest. Me who posseses energy, 
and moral courage, who governs 
himself, and controls his own spirit^ 
and sacrifices his own feelings and 
interests rather than do wrong, is a 
true hero, and often a greater hero, 



so 

than he, who fights bravely. When 
your school-mate strikes you, it is 
much easier for you to yield to the 
impulse of passion, and to strike him 
in return, than it is to govern your- 
self and suppress your rising anger, 
and especially, is it much easier if 
you are laughed at and called a tame 
spirited boy by others of your school 
mates. To govern yourself and sup- 
press your rising anger and bear this 
patiently, because you believe it 
would be wrong to do otherwise, 
manifests greater personal energy 
and moral courage and shews you to 
be much more of a true hero than ell 
fighting could have done. And as it 
is with boys in school, so it is with 
men in the community. He who has 
the personal energy and the moral 



81 

courage to do right even amid the 
sneers of his associates is the tru e 
christian hero. You know Mr. Samp- 
son the truckman don't you V 

'Yes, father — what of him? 5 1 

'I regard him as one of the greats 
est heroes that I know of.' 

'But why so, father. What has 
he done? I have never heard of him. 9 

C I will tell you,my son; Mr.Samp- 
son's father was very rich, and when 
he died he left a large property to his 
son. Mr. Sampson had never been 
trained to any regular pursuit, had 
never formed any habits of industry, 
and was entirely unfit for any busi- 
ness. He tho't that he had property 
enough. But he soon wasted it all> 
and became very poor. He felt that, 
as he was the son of a rich man, and 



82 

had not been trained to business it 
would be a disgrace to him to work. 
And so he loitered around, wherever 
he could find any to keep hirn com- 
pany, in taverns, and bar-rooms, and 
at all places of social resort, bor- 
rowing money, when any one could 
be found willing to lend, purchasing 
whatever he might want whenever 
any one could be found to trust him. 
Submitting to that great disgrace 
of being supported and of having 
his children supported by the indus- 
try of his wife. In this way he went 
on for some time. But a few years 
ago his attention was awakened to 
the subject of religion. He read his 
Bible, and went by himself to pray. 
And the result was that he became 
a true and devoted christian. His 



83 

feelings and affections were brought 
under the control of those principles 
which are taught in Sunday schools, 
the principles of the Gospel. Under 
the influence of these principles,he felt 
it to be his duty to endeavor to sup- 
port his family by some honest em- 
ployment. An opportunity soon offer- 
ed and he became a truckman. Since 
that time he has lived honestly and 
happily. But his course has called 
for the exercise of great personal en- 
ergy and great moral courage. He 
has been laughed at by his former as- 
sociates. He has been forsaken by 
them too, and his society has been 
avoided by some of his own relatives, 
who are still rich, because, as they 
think, he has disgraced them by the 
course he has pursued. The very 



84 

persons too, who were his most famil- 
iar playmates when he was young, 
and who professed to be his warm- 
est friends while he had property, 
now forbid their children's associat- 
ing with his children, because it is 
not respectable, as they think, to as- 
sociate with the children of a truck- 
man, even when they are as well 
trained and as well behaved as their 
own. All this and much more, he 
has had to bear. He has gone 
quietly but resolutely forward in his 
course. He has had the moral cour- 
age to do right, to disregard the sneers 
of his associates, rather than do 
wrong. He has given an example 
worthy of being followed. He has 
discountenanced those false notions,in 
regard to the difference of respecta- 



85 

bility in different pursuits and the dis- 
grace consequent upon labor, which 
so widely prevail and which are a- 
mong the greatest enemies of our 
peace, and happiness, and ^liberty. — 
You see then, my son, that the prin- 
ciples of the Gospel — the principles 
taught in our Sunday schools, are 
adapted to make our citizens the best 
patriots and the truest heroes. ' 

; It seems then, father, that you 
think that the whole secret of increas- 
ing the enjoyment and of promoting 
the security of our liberties consists 
in]this, and that the people should be 
religiously educated ; and should a- 
dopt,and carry out into life,the prin- 
ciples of the Gospel.' 

'I do, my son. I sincerely believe 
that if the principles, which are or 



86 

which should be taught in Sunday 
schools — the principles of the Gospel 
— should become the governing prin- 
ciples of every man's life, — control- 
ling his conduct in his political ef- 
forts, as well as in every other re- 
spect, the liberty of our country 
would be more generally and more 
highly enjoyed, and its independence 
more firmly secured than they could 
be in any other way. Every man 
would then be a true patriot and a 
true hero — willing to put forth efforts 
and make sacrifices for the best 
good of his country, and having the 
moral courage to do right. Men 
would act conscientiously in choos- 
ing public officers, and public officers 
would act conscientiously in the dis- 
charge of the duties of their offices. 



87 

Our national honor would be preserv- 
ed, because no unjust, or dishonora- 
ble, or unchristian course of conduct 
would be pursued, which would stain 
it. The whole secret, my son, con- 
sists in regulating all the conduct 
by the principles of the Gospel, in 
breathing forth and acting out, wher- 
ever we go, the spirit of the Gospel, 
in striving ever to do right— ever to 
please God. This is the object for 
which we should all strive, and for 
which we should all lift up our pray- 
ers to our Father in heaven. The re- 
ligious education of the people is the 
anchor of our political safety. The 
Sunday School is the patriots 
hope. 5 

'I believe,father, n said Benjamin,' 
that I understand your instructions, 



and can see the propriety of making 
the celebration of the Fourth of July 
a religious celebration. I can see what 
connection Sunday schools have with 
liberty and independence. I hope I 
shall remember and be profited by 
what you have said. But I am 
sometimes puzzled to know, what I 
am to do now, while I am a boy, in 
order to prepare myself to act when 
I become a man, upon the principles 
you have stated. 5 

'You remember, my son, that you 
read, the other day, that when the 
Mother of Washington heard how 
great and good a man her son had 
become,said she did not think strange 
of it, for he was always a good boy. 
So you have only to be a good boy, 
to strive now, in all your little trials 



89 



and duties, to do right and please 
God. If you are obedient to your 
parents now, the habits which you 
form, will make you obedient in af- 
ter life to your government and its 
laws, and will secure cheerful obedi- 
ence to all the requirements of God. 
If you form habits of industry now, 
that you are a boy, you will from 
the very force of habit,be industrious 
in after life. If you are kind now to 
your brothers and sisters and play- 
paates, you will form a habit, which 
will carry you through society and 
all its various changes and relations 
in a spirit of kindness. Be good then 
now. Seek now while you are a 
boy, to do right and to please God, 
and you will be aided to carry out 
these principles into all the more im- 



90 



portant duties of manhood. Your 
religious principles will strengthen 
within you and will be continually ac- 
quiring an increasing control over 
your conduct- as you advance in 
years — they will make you a good 
citizen and a worthy subject of a free 
government. 




VALUABLE WORKS 

PUBLISHED BY 

S. H. COLESWORTHY, 

EXCHANGE ST. PORTLAND. 



Young Man's Assistant, by Rev. Jason 
Whitman. 

Young Lady's Aid, by Rev. J. Whitman. 

Helps for Young Christians, ditto. 

Smith's Moral Lectures. 

New Testament Companion. 

Adventures of Search for Life. 

Jackson's Arithmetic. 

The Scholar's Friend. 

Industry, by a Lady. 

The Scholar's Aid. 

Man of the State of Maine. 



' 



LIBRARY 




